Defence Cooperation Agreement Singapore Indonesia

If Member States do not have sufficient ex ante confidence (i.e. before the contract is signed), cooperation efforts may fail. Footnote 42 It is not surprising that the language of trust permeates the ACF negotiations. In 1995, the DCA disputed by Australia with Indonesia reflected the new reality that Australia “no longer saw Indonesia as an expansionist threat.” Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating said bluntly: “This is a declaration of confidence.” Indonesian President Suharto agreed with the assessment and said: “If there are still suspicions against Indonesia, they should be eliminated.” Footnote 43 Since trust is a necessary condition for defence cooperation, the creation of a DCA is a reassuring signal of the intention of cooperation with attentive third parties. Since high-level countries disclose valuable information about their reliability and the types of agreements they are willing to sign, cooperation with these partners, ceteris paribus, poses fewer problems of coordination and cooperation. This information mechanism produces a preferred observable binding effect. Exonomy-motivated demands for defence cooperation, while important, do not explain how States have overcome the information asymmetries that plague cooperation efforts. While some powerful and prosperous governments, despite the uncertainty, are willing to risk cooperating, the DIAC has multiplied far beyond the powerful and the rich. Even former adversaries such as Australia and Indonesia, Brazil and Argentina, as well as Ukraine and Russia, have signed DCAs. I affirm that when states sign DCAs, they reveal information about their reliability and design preferences to outside observers, and that these revelations, in turn, feed observable network flows. As the density of the DCA network increases, network flows multiply.

Information on the reliability and institutional preferences of potential partners will be more readily available, increasing the supply of agreements. It is important that networks are not only complementary. After the Cold War, they were the primary determinants of the new DCAs. Kementerian Luar Negeri RI. (n.d.) Profile of Singaporea. Consulted on August 23, 2017, from www.kemlu.go.id/singapore/id/Pages/Singapura.aspx Finally, the influence of the DCAs is almost certainly not limited to defence issues.